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Jerry Carl (Republican) and Clyde Jones Jr. (Democrat) are the nominees for Alabama's 1st congressional district in the November 3, 2026 general election. By their latest FEC reports, Jerry Carl's campaign had raised $1.5 million (through October 14, 2026) and Clyde Jones Jr.'s campaign $198,000 (through October 14, 2026). Outside groups have reported $547,000 for Jerry Carl and $0 against.
Jerry Carl (REP), Clyde Jones Jr. (DEM).
1 other filed with the FEC; any ads they ran are below. 0 ads analyzed, 0 with at least one technique in the copy.
Newest first. The paid-for-by line is the advertiser's own filing.
Mail voting needs a reason the state accepts (Excuse required: absent from county, illness/disability, 10+ hour work shift, caregiver, etc.); request a ballot by Tue, Oct 27 (Received by mail by Oct 27; hand-delivered applications by Oct 29.); return it by Tue, Nov 3 (By mail: received by noon Election Day. Hand-delivered: by 5 p.m. Nov 2.) (passed)Source: sos.alabama.gov ↗Source: sos.alabama.gov ↗
Approved photo ID required; without one, vote if two poll officials positively identify you (signed affidavit), else provisional.Source: sos.alabama.gov ↗
Checked October 8, 2026. Rules can change; confirm with the official site before you go.
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Money in this race
From FEC filings for 2025–26. Outside spending is money a group spends on its own about a candidate — TV and online ads, mail, canvassing. It is not a donation to the campaign, and the candidate does not control it. Supporting means it was spent to help that candidate win; Opposing means it was spent to defeat them, usually on attack ads. Groups report it within 24 or 48 hours as the election nears. Raised is the campaign's own fundraising, as of its latest quarterly report. Largest donors come from each outside spender's own FEC receipts, with each donor's share of its itemized receipts; donors under $100,000 are not named. People are shown with the employer and occupation they reported. A donor that is itself a political committee is shown with its own largest donors. Companies and nonprofits don't report their funders to the FEC, so the trail ends there, and the page says so.
Jerry Carl (REP)
Raised
$1.5M through 2026-10-14individuals $739K · PACs $528K · from the candidate's other committees $183K · cash on hand $168K
Outside spending
$547K supporting Carl· latest reported 2026-08-04
Largest outside spenders
DEFEND AMERICAN JOBS— $547K supporting CarlLargest donors:
FAIRSHAKE $37.0M (>99%) (its largest donors: RIPPLE LABS INC. $48.0M, an organization; COINBASE $25.0M, an organization; COINBASE COMMERCE (EXCHANGE) $8.2M, an organization); RIPPLE LABS INC. $250K (1%) (an organization: its own funders aren't reported to the FEC)
An ad is on this page because its own "Paid for by" line is a campaign in this race; or it comes from a national Senate group and ran mostly in AL; or it ran mostly in AL and names a candidate — unless its sponsor is a campaign for some other office. Ads from outside groups appear alongside the campaigns' own.
Campaigns run one text as many separate ads. Identical text from the same sponsor is one card here, marked with its number of variants.
A technique is a specific rhetorical move in the wording, found by our model and explained in one line. It is not a claim that the ad is false.
Claims are checked when a reader asks: press "Check this ad's claims" on a card. Running a check and seeing its verdicts are part of Semblen Pro, because each check costs money to run; anyone can see which claims an ad makes. The ten ads with the most money behind them in each race are checked ahead of time.
Claim verdicts say what the cited sources say. A verdict that an ad is wrong or misleading is shown only when it cites an established fact-checker or an institutional record — Congress, a federal agency, a court — and its confidence is not low; a weaker one is not shown at all. Each verdict shows what it rests on and how confident it is. If we got one wrong, press Disagree: a verdict that readers dispute and no one defends comes down.
Video ads come from the campaigns' own YouTube channels; the transcript is analyzed. Meta ads are analyzed on their text; their video and images are not, yet.