New York Governor 2026: the ads, and who's paying for them
Kathy Hochul (Democrat) and Bruce Blakeman (Republican) are the candidates for governor of New York in the November 3, 2026 general election. Kathy Hochul is the incumbent. Semblen has analyzed 76 ads in this race; 44 used at least one manipulation technique, most often loaded language and name calling.
Kathy Hochul (DEM, incumbent), Bruce Blakeman (REP).
On the ballot as listed by Ballotpedia. 76 ads analyzed, 44 with at least one technique in the copy.
Newest first. The paid-for-by line is the advertiser's own filing. Updated 2026-10-08.
42 of 74 (57%) flagged · Loaded Language (31), Name Calling (21), Appeal to Fear (17)
YouTube
2 of 2 flagged · Bandwagon Appeal (2), Appeal to Fear (1), Appeal to Prejudice (1)
Reported Meta spend
$333,300–432,067 on all ads, $196,300–251,366 on flagged ads · Meta reports ranges; these are the sums of their ends
Example
“High Taxes, Rising Utility Rates” — Loaded Language, paid for by Blakeman for New York
· the flagged ad with the highest reported spend that shows the most common technique
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A small box with these findings and the newest ads, updated as new ads are analyzed. Free for newsrooms, blogs and campaigns alike; it links back here.
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Each side is the campaign plus the groups backing it. How a group is placed is explained below the table.
Side
Ads
With at least one technique
Most common
Hochul (D)
18
7 of 18 (39%)
Loaded Language (6), Name Calling (5), Appeal to Fear (2)
All from the campaign; no ads here from groups placed on this side.
Blakeman (R)
33
20 of 33 (61%)
Loaded Language (12), Glittering Generalities (10), Appeal to Fear (7)
All from the campaign; no ads here from groups placed on this side.
Not placed on a side (15 sponsors)
25
17 of 25 (68%)
Loaded Language (13), Name Calling (11), Appeal to Fear (9)
Read this before comparing the sides. Ads that attack an opponent use these techniques far more often than ads that introduce a candidate, whoever runs them, so the side running more attack ads shows a higher share. A technique is about wording, not about whether an ad is true. These are online ads only (Meta and YouTube), not television.
How a group is placed: by its own filings with the Federal Election Commission. A group is with a candidate when it reported spending to support that candidate, or to oppose the other one in the general election. The parties' own committees are with their nominee. Spending against a candidate in a primary places a group nowhere, and neither does our reading of its ads: a group with no such filing is listed as not placed. The sponsor table gives the reason for each.
Decide what counts
Not everyone would call every technique manipulation. Untick the ones you'd call ordinary persuasion and the count updates.
58% of the 76 ads here use at least one of the techniques ticked below (44 ads).
Leaving out the softer ones (loaded language, glittering generalities, slogans, exaggeration, repetition): 49% of ads.
The words doing the work
The words that show up most in phrases our model flagged as loaded language or name calling in this race's ads, by number of ads.
billin 5 ads· e.g. “skyrocketing utility bills”, “skyrocketing electric bills”
MAGAin 5 ads· e.g. “MAGA extremism”, “New York MAGA extremism”
policyin 4 ads· e.g. “pro-criminal policies”, “destructive anti-energy policies”
criminalin 3 ads· e.g. “Hochul's New York: were criminals roam free”, “criminals roam free”
hochul'in 3 ads· e.g. “Hochul's New York: were criminals roam free”, “Kathy Hochul's fraud and abuse”
pro-criminalin 3 ads· e.g. “pro-criminal policies”, “most pro-criminal governor in America”
worst governorin 3 ads· e.g. “WORST Governor in America”, “the worst Governor in America”
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Money in this race
Candidates for governor report their fundraising to New York's state campaign-finance office, not the FEC. This page doesn't cover those reports yet, so it shows no money figures.
The ads
76 ads, newest first. Video transcripts are shown as the model read them, without caption cues like [music].
Showing the 3 ads paid for by Matt Ricchiazzi. Show all 76 ads
Paid for by Matt Ricchiazzifrom 2026-10-08spend $0–99100–999 impressions
Will ideological drive enable Governor Kathy Hochul to let NYC's Mayor Zohran Kwame Mamdani to annex Nassau County by statute? The city line is more likely to be crossed the quieter way: by toll, by zoning target, by the slow transfer of who decides what a town is for.
A governor can deny the map and still redraw the life. Housing mandates that died are remembered as warnings. A congestion toll paused for an election and restored after it reads less like caution than confession. A ban on local immigration agreements arrives as public safety and lands as dispossession — not of land, but of the right to remain unlike the city next door.
“Sixth borough” is not a proposal. It is a diagnosis. Voters are not arguing about charter revision. They are arguing about whether the instincts of the five boroughs now govern by default, with the suburbs consulted mainly for revenue.
For Nassau County Executive Bruce Blakeman, the battle is an important one.
Full Article: https://buffalochronicle.com/2026/10/07/kathy-hochul-denies-wanting-to-make-nassau-county-the-sixth-borough-of-nyc-why-doesnt-anyone-believe-her/
Loaded Language: The phrase 'ideological drive' frames political motivation as fanatical or extreme rather than policy-based, and 'annex' is a loaded term implying aggressive territorial takeover — for example: "ideological drive", "annex Nassau County by statute".
Appeal to Fear: The question implies a threatening scenario where NYC forcibly absorbs Nassau County, creating anxiety about loss of local autonomy — for example: annex Nassau County by statute and slow transfer of who decides what a town is for.
Conspiracy Appeal: The sentence implies a hidden, incremental, and covert strategy to extend city control over suburban areas without explicit democratic action — for example: "crossed the quieter way", "slow transfer of who decides what a town is for".
Loaded Language
Appeal to Fear
Conspiracy Appeal
Looks up the ad's factual claims in fact-checkers, primary sources and wire reporting. Takes up to a minute.
Paid for by Matt Ricchiazzifrom 2026-10-08spend $0–99100–999 impressions
If Bruce Blakeman wins, subway-riding NYC liberals come out ahead. For NYC Democrats, the smartest move this cycle would be to stay home on election day.
The transportation money this White House has spent a year turning on and off — the Hudson tunnel, the Penn Station, the cars and signals under Lexington and Broadway — lands, overwhelmingly, on the island. Gateway is a $16 billion crossing into Midtown. The Penn rebuild is $7 billion to $8 billion for a station Manhattan already uses. The M.T.A.’s capital plan is $68 billion, with a federal share the president has shown he can freeze or release. Tens of billions, and the largest share of the benefit is not in Nassau. It is in Manhattan.
The condition being circulated is blunt. Mr. Trump is said to be open to that reconstruction if Mr. Blakeman is the governor who receives it, and not if Governor Kathy Hochul is. There is no term sheet. There is a record: he took Penn from the state, tried to kill Gateway, and stalled Second Avenue until a judge intervened. The same hand that obstructed the money is the one that would have to write the check.
Hochul's lead is a city lead, 69 to 24 in the last Marist poll, 53 to 42 statewide, the suburbs tied. Blakeman leads Upstate. Manhattan does not need to vote for Mr. Blakeman to hand him the race. It only needs to stay home. The margin that has kept Republicans out of Albany for twenty years runs through these precincts. Mitigate their impact through turnout, and his path is the suburbs he already holds.
If Manhattan Democrats stay home, swing the state, and take the largest cut of an investment this White House will not make for a Governor it is still suing.
The trains would not care who won. The riders on this island would.
Read full article: https://buffalochronicle.com/2026/10/07/if-blakeman-wins-governorship-trump-is-open-to-bankrolling-the-reconstruction-of-nyc-subway-system-but-not-if-hochul-is-reelected/
no techniques found
Looks up the ad's factual claims in fact-checkers, primary sources and wire reporting. Takes up to a minute.
Paid for by Matt Ricchiazzifrom 2026-10-072 variantsspend $0–1982,100–3,998 impressions
Staten Island already voted to leave New York City. In 1993 the margin was 65 to 35 — 81,566 to 43,160 — for a charter that would have made it the state’s second-largest city. Albany never finished the job. Sheldon Silver wouldn’t call the vote.
Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s worry is that Bruce Blakeman would.
A governor can let the island become its own city: its own school board, its own police department, its own tax rates, a ferry service and Expressway design negotiated by the people who sit in the traffic.
Three Council seats out of 51. Half a million people deserve a City that hears them.
The referendum didn’t fail. It was filed and forgotten. November 3 is the first election in thirty years in which someone with a pen might take it back out.
Full Article: https://buffalochronicle.com/2026/10/07/mamdani-worries-blakeman-will-let-staten-island-become-its-own-city/
no techniques found
Looks up the ad's factual claims in fact-checkers, primary sources and wire reporting. Takes up to a minute.
An email when new ads come in from either side or the outside groups: the techniques, the words doing the work, and who paid. And each debate's analysis the morning after. One-click unsubscribe.
An ad is on this page because its own "Paid for by" line is a campaign in this race; or it ran mostly in NY and names a nominee for governor — unless its sponsor is a campaign for some other office (a U.S. Senate or House campaign included), or it also names NY's Senate nominees, in which case it is on the Senate race's page. Ads from outside groups appear alongside the campaigns' own.
The candidates are the ones certified for the November ballot, from the source linked at the top. Governors are state offices, so there are no FEC filings behind this page: no money figures, and outside groups are placed on a side only when they are a campaign or a party committee.
Campaigns run one text as many separate ads. Identical text from the same sponsor is one card here, marked with its number of variants.
A technique is a specific manipulative move in the wording, found by our model and explained in one line. It is not a claim that the ad is false.
Claims are checked when a reader asks: press "Check this ad's claims" on a card. The check runs once and its result is shown to everyone afterwards. The ten ads with the most money behind them in each race are checked ahead of time.
Claim verdicts say what the cited sources say. A verdict that an ad is wrong or misleading is shown only when it cites an established fact-checker or an institutional record — Congress, a federal agency, a court — and its confidence is not low; a weaker one is not shown at all. Each verdict shows what it rests on and how confident it is. If we got one wrong, press Disagree: a verdict that readers dispute and no one defends comes down.
Video ads come from the campaigns' own YouTube channels; the transcript is analyzed. Meta ads are analyzed on their text; their video and images are not, yet.
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